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1、1 社會(huì)階層化理論當(dāng)代理論 2 美國(guó)階層化理論的發(fā)展雖然歐洲社會(huì)學(xué)很早就注意到社會(huì)階層化的議題，美國(guó)的社會(huì)學(xué)早期發(fā)展對(duì)於階層化的議題並沒有特別的興趣。由於美國(guó)沒有像歐洲一樣嚴(yán)峻的階級(jí)界線，且其價(jià)值強(qiáng)調(diào)機(jī)會(huì)均等，早期美國(guó)社會(huì)學(xué)認(rèn)為美國(guó)是一個(gè)沒有階級(jí)的社會(huì)classless view of American society這種觀點(diǎn)直到大蕭條時(shí)才開始產(chǎn)生變化，但階層化的研究經(jīng)過很長(zhǎng)的時(shí)間才破除美國(guó)沒有階級(jí)的神話。 3 美國(guó)階層化理論的發(fā)展 1929, Robert and Helen Lynd Middletown, Middletown in Transition (1937)最早的階層化研究，以

2、美國(guó)社區(qū)的權(quán)力及經(jīng)濟(jì)不平等為核心議題，破除美國(guó)為機(jī)會(huì)均等社會(huì)的神話。不過大蕭條過後，這些作品很快就被人遺忘。 4 美國(guó)階層化理論的發(fā)展 Lloyd Warner, Yankee City與Lynd有幾個(gè)不同處： Warner school 以地位不平等來界定階層化，忽略經(jīng)濟(jì)及權(quán)力不平等所引起的衝突。沒有分析機(jī)會(huì)不平等的實(shí)際狀況，仍然強(qiáng)調(diào)有才能及有野心者必可以成功的理想社會(huì)流動(dòng)。強(qiáng)調(diào)社會(huì)階層化為一個(gè)複雜社會(huì)中具有功能性且必要的。 5 美國(guó)階層化理論的發(fā)展早期的美國(guó)社會(huì)學(xué)發(fā)展中，階層化理論被刻意忽略，彷彿階級(jí)衝突、財(cái)產(chǎn)繼承、種族剝削都不存在於這個(gè)無階級(jí)的社會(huì)中。儘管大蕭條喚醒了美國(guó)人對(duì)於社會(huì)不平等

3、的注意，但這各注意力並沒有持續(xù)太久。即使在後來社會(huì)階層議題逐漸被討論，美國(guó)人還是將注意的焦點(diǎn)置於地位不平等，很多人仍然持續(xù)相信美國(guó)是一個(gè)無階級(jí)的社會(huì)。 6 美國(guó)階層化理論的發(fā)展衝突理論的觀點(diǎn)直到最近才受到應(yīng)有的尊重。社會(huì)流動(dòng)的研究仍然以個(gè)人為焦點(diǎn)，而非財(cái)富權(quán)力不平等的結(jié)構(gòu)性因素。例如美國(guó)研究貧窮問題仍然無法跳脫貧窮文化(culture of poverty)的解釋，將問題的本質(zhì)置於窮人到底出了什麼問題(what is wrong with the poor)。儘管如此，Warner的研究仍然有很大的影響，帶動(dòng)了階層化的研究。 7 1950年代的階層化研究，主要還是以功能論為主。理論的取向接近涂

4、爾幹而非韋伯或馬克思。與功能論的分家來自於Floyd Hunter的社區(qū)權(quán)力研究及C. W. Mills對(duì)於菁英階層的研究。 8 功能論主要分成： Davis that is, stratification. 15 The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) 7) 因此，不同社會(huì)層級(jí)之間在資源、報(bào)酬、社會(huì)聲望、自尊取得上的不平等狀態(tài)，對(duì)整個(gè)社會(huì)來說是具有正面功能，而且是不可避免的。Therefore, social inequality among different strata in the amounts of scarce an

5、d desired goods and the amounts of prestige and esteem they receive is both positively functional and inevitable in any society. 16 醫(yī)師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector 1) 醫(yī)師的工作是否比清潔人員重要？It can be argued that the job performed by the physician is more important than that of a

6、 garbage collector. 在大都會(huì)中，這兩種職業(yè)對(duì)於社會(huì)正常的運(yùn)作具有同等的重要性The differing importance of these two positions is somewhat questionable because in large urban areas both are important. 17 醫(yī)師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector 2) 想當(dāng)醫(yī)師必須具備特殊的才能，必須要是可造之才Davis and Moore assume the task of a phys

7、ician requires special talents that are limited in the population. 醫(yī)師必須經(jīng)過長(zhǎng)期的訓(xùn)練，而清潔員不需任何訓(xùn)練In addition, to become a physician requires a long training period if the special talents are to be developed into the needed skills. No such talents or training period is required for a garbage collector. 18 醫(yī)師

8、與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector 3) 接受醫(yī)師訓(xùn)練必須有所犧牲，包含在醫(yī)學(xué)院中所花費(fèi)的時(shí)間、金錢、努力、及承受的心理壓力等。清潔員不需如此的犧牲。It is further assumed that some sacrifice is necessary to acquire the needed skills of a physician. Such sacrifice would include the time, money, effort, and psychological pressure inv

9、olved in medical school. The position of garbage collector requires no such sacrifice to obtain training. 19 醫(yī)師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector 4) 醫(yī)師的期望報(bào)酬必須夠高，才能吸引有才能的人做上述的犧牲。清潔員的工作不需提供特殊的報(bào)酬來吸引人來從事這個(gè)工作。In order to induce qualified people to undergo the sacrifice of obtainin

10、g the needed skills to perform as physicians, the future position must bring expected rewards appropriate to the required sacrifice. No such special rewards are seen as necessary to fill the position of garbage collector. 20 醫(yī)師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector 5) 因此，社會(huì)必須賦予醫(yī)師

11、職位較高的報(bào)酬。Thus, the rewards, of various types, must be attached to or built into the position. In other words, the rewards must not be random (only some physicians highly paid), but an expected part of a position as physician for maximum inducement to people with special talents. 21 醫(yī)師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Compar

12、isons of a physician and garbage collector 6) 由於取得報(bào)酬的管道有別，這兩個(gè)職位反映出不同的聲望及自尊。A result is that the physician and garbage collector have differing access to the basic rewards of the society, and the two positions reflect differing amounts of prestige and esteem. 22 醫(yī)師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician

13、 and garbage collector 7) 因此，為了確保醫(yī)生的職位能夠吸引最有才能的人來擔(dān)任，不平等對(duì)於社會(huì)的運(yùn)作而言，不但是具有正面的功能，也是不可避免的。Therefore, social inequality with respect to the positions of physician and garbage collector is both positively functional and inevitable to ensure that the position of physician is filled by the most qualified peop

14、le. 23 勞動(dòng)市場(chǎng)的供需模型A labor market model in disguise? Davis-Moore的模型與經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的勞動(dòng)市場(chǎng)的供需模型沒有太大的區(qū)別It is a labor market model analyzing the supply and demand of labor as it relates to rewards for labor. 其基本運(yùn)作邏輯為：當(dāng)社會(huì)對(duì)於某一類職位的需求高於供給量時(shí)，社會(huì)必須提供更高的報(bào)酬來吸引人來就職。When the supply of skilled labor is low in relation to the amou

15、nt of labor needed, the employer (in Davis and Moores perspective, the society) will be required to pay more for this labor. 24 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis As Collins (1975:420) argues: “Following through the pure market model leads us to a startling conclusion: The system

16、must tend toward perfect equality in the distribution of wealth.” Collins指出：如果單純地按照經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的市場(chǎng)模型來推論，我們將得到以下的結(jié)論：整個(gè)社會(huì)在財(cái)富分配上將會(huì)逐漸的趨於完全的公平。 25 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis假設(shè)勞動(dòng)力可以自由的流動(dòng)，則高薪的工作將吸引大量的人力來競(jìng)標(biāo)，致使薪資逐漸下降，而低薪的工作由於聘僱困難，將逐漸提高薪資以吸引人才，當(dāng)市場(chǎng)行情薪資偏離了均衡水準(zhǔn)，勞動(dòng)力的自由移動(dòng)將使的各行各業(yè)的薪資水準(zhǔn)不至於相差太大。 Beca

17、use where labor is free to move to higher paying jobs, the jobs that pay high wages will attract a surplus of workers, leading to a decline in the income for these jobs. Jobs paying low wages would tend to attract fewer workers. Without market restraints wherever jobs pay above or below the average,

18、 processes are set in motion through labor mobility which eventually bring wages back into line with all the others (Collins 1975:120). 26 薪資水準(zhǔn)的決定The market-clearing wage薪資 勞動(dòng)人力數(shù)量供給需求Supply exceeds demand:工資水準(zhǔn)過高，廠商減少雇用，造成勞動(dòng)力供過於求供過於求時(shí)，求職者找工作不易，願(yuàn)意以較低的薪資水準(zhǔn)來就業(yè)。有一些人會(huì)找尋其他的工作，使得供給逐漸減少。Demand exceeds supply

19、: 工資水準(zhǔn)過低，以致於需求大於供給時(shí)，廠商將面臨勞動(dòng)力短缺的現(xiàn)象。廠商提高工資以吸引更多的人來應(yīng)徵。WeW1W2 27 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis如果我們將工作條件、環(huán)境、及職業(yè)聲望等考慮進(jìn)去，則從純粹市場(chǎng)及經(jīng)濟(jì)邏輯的角度來分析，醫(yī)師的薪資應(yīng)該少於垃圾清潔人員，因?yàn)樗麄兊钠渌麍?bào)酬（聲望、工作環(huán)境等）較高。 And if we consider other rewards attached to positions, such as a good working environment or the prestig

20、e that comes with greater skill, (assuming a free market model), we might find that a physician would be paid less (in income) than a garbage collector because of the other rewards (such as prestige and working environment) attached to the position of physician. 28 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Dav

21、is-Moore hypothesis Davis和Moore辯稱不是每一個(gè)人都具有擔(dān)任醫(yī)師的條件，因此完全競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的勞動(dòng)市場(chǎng)並不存在。 Davis and Moore argue in the original theory that not everyone is equally talented or capable of performing the tasks of some very important positions. In this sense they do not acknowledge free labor competition. Many people could c

22、ollect garbage, but only a few have the talent to become physicians. 29 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis Are there really so few people with the talent to make it through medical school and become physicians? 你覺得只有少數(shù)人可以完成醫(yī)學(xué)院的訓(xùn)練、擔(dān)任外科醫(yī)生的工作嗎？ 30 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis

23、-Moore hypothesis因?yàn)獒t(yī)師公會(huì)及醫(yī)學(xué)院的限額制度，醫(yī)生的供給量受到很大的限制，Davis-Moore的理論完全忽略了權(quán)力在分配中所扮演的角色。 There are limitations on who and how many people can become physicians because of the ability of the medical profession to restrict and limit access to training for the occupation. Most of the criticisms of the Davis and

24、 Moore theory evolve around their neglect of power 31 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis The greater the rewards received by individuals or groups, the greater their ability to make sure they continue receiving such rewards, and even more rewards, no matter what function they serv

25、e for the society. 個(gè)人獲得的報(bào)酬越多，他們?cè)接心芰δ艽_保自己可以持續(xù)不斷地獲利，即使是他們所執(zhí)行的任務(wù)對(duì)於社會(huì)以毫無價(jià)值或功能可言。 32 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis哪些職位對(duì)社會(huì)而言較為重要？誰來界定職位的重要性？There is also the question of what, in fact, the most important positions in the society are. 擁有權(quán)力的人可以影響職位價(jià)值的界定Those with power are able to in

26、fluence which positions are defined as most important 33 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis And some criticism questions the degree of inequality necessary among positions in our society. 即使不平等可以提供必要的誘因，究竟社會(huì)當(dāng)中需要多大程度的不平等才足夠？ 34 對(duì)於Davis-Moore模型的批評(píng)Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis就

27、算醫(yī)生比垃圾需要更高的技能及訓(xùn)練，如果醫(yī)師的薪資為垃圾清潔員的二十倍，我們可不可以說醫(yī)師職位對(duì)於社會(huì)的重要性為垃圾清潔人員的二十倍？還是因?yàn)槟承┞殬I(yè)對(duì)於報(bào)酬的決定擁有較多的控制權(quán)及影響力。One may grant the assumption that a physician is more important than a garbage collector, or at least that the position of physician requires more training and skill. But, for example, if we find that the p

28、hysician earns twenty times more income than the garbage collector, can we say that the physician is twenty times more important than the garbage collector? Or do some occupations provide greater control and influence that allow them to demand greater pay? 35 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunctions of stratificatio

29、n and inequality (1) Social stratification systems function to limit the possibility of discovery of the full range of talent available in a society because of unequal access to appropriate motivation, channels of recruitment, and centers of training. 由於社會(huì)提供給每一個(gè)人的誘因、就業(yè)管道、及訓(xùn)練機(jī)會(huì)是不平等的，因此階層化的系統(tǒng)使得個(gè)人的才能是否

30、能發(fā)揮受到很大的侷限。 36 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality (2) In foreshortening the range of available talent, social stratification systems function to set limits upon the possibility of expanding the productive resources of the society, at least relative to what might be accomplished

31、 under conditions of greater equality of opportunity. 在機(jī)會(huì)不平等的情況下，由於人才無法充分被發(fā)掘或個(gè)人無法發(fā)揮其才能，階層化系統(tǒng)限制了社會(huì)資源擴(kuò)張的可能性。 37 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality (3) Social stratification systems function to provide the elite with the political power necessary to procure acceptance and dominanc

32、e of an ideology that rationalizes the status quo, whatever it may be, as logical, natural, and morally right. 社會(huì)階層化系統(tǒng)使得既得利益的菁英階層可以透過政治權(quán)利來確保合理化現(xiàn)狀的意識(shí)型態(tài)獲得認(rèn)同及接受，是現(xiàn)狀變成一種邏輯上、自然的、及道德上的合理狀態(tài)。 38 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality (4) Social stratification systems function to distribute

33、 favorable self images unequally throughout the population. To the extent that such favorable self-images are requisite to the development of the creative potential inherent in people, stratification systems function to limit the development of this creative potential. 階層化系統(tǒng)使得社會(huì)中每一個(gè)人對(duì)於自我形象有不同的認(rèn)知，由於這

34、種優(yōu)越感為創(chuàng)造潛力能否發(fā)展的先決條件，使得缺乏優(yōu)越感者的創(chuàng)造力受到很大的侷限。 39 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality (5) To the extent that inequalities in social rewards cannot be made fully acceptable to the less privileged in a society, social stratification systems function to encourage hostility, suspicion, and

35、 distrust among the various segments of a society and thus to limit the possibilities of extensive social integration. 在社會(huì)報(bào)酬的不平等情形無法為弱勢(shì)團(tuán)體完全接受的情況下，社會(huì)階層系統(tǒng)會(huì)使得各個(gè)階層間產(chǎn)生敵意、猜忌、及不信任，限制了社會(huì)整合的可能。 40 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality (6)To the extent that the sense of significant membersh

36、ip in a society depends on ones place on the prestige ladder of the society, social stratification systems function to distribute unequally the sense of significant membership in the population. 個(gè)人是否覺得自己為社會(huì)中的重要成員，決定於個(gè)人在聲望階梯中的位置，社會(huì)階層化系統(tǒng)會(huì)使得不同階層的人對(duì)於自己是否為社會(huì)的重要成員有不同的觀感。 41 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunctions of stra

37、tification and inequality (7) To the extent that loyalty to a society depends on a sense of significant membership in the society, social stratification systems function to distribute loyalty unequally in the population. 由於對(duì)於社會(huì)的忠誠(chéng)度決定於個(gè)人是否自覺為社會(huì)的重要成員，因此不同得社會(huì)階層對(duì)於社會(huì)的忠誠(chéng)度也有很大的差異。 42 階層化及不平等的負(fù)功能dysfunction

38、s of stratification and inequality (8) To the extent that participation or apathy depend upon the sense of significant membership in the society, social stratification systems function to distribute the motivation to participate unequally in a population. 由於個(gè)人是否積極參與社會(huì)或採(cǎi)取冷漠的社會(huì)態(tài)度與個(gè)人是否覺得自己為社會(huì)的重要成員有關(guān)，因此

39、不同社會(huì)階層的成員對(duì)於參與社會(huì)的動(dòng)機(jī)及意願(yuàn)有很大的差異。 43 Empirical Research on the Davis and Moore Theory Abrahamson:戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)，軍人的待遇增加。職業(yè)棒球中，重要位置及稀有才華的選手薪水比較高。對(duì)於社會(huì)的重要性決定待遇。 Broom and Cushing (1977)發(fā)現(xiàn)大公司中，主管的功能重要性（有多少部屬依賴主管）及職務(wù)表現(xiàn)與其薪資無關(guān)。 Broom and Cushing 的研究也指出，對(duì)社會(huì)較為重要的公司（如鋼鐵、食品、藥品、紡織成衣）中的主管，其薪資報(bào)酬並沒有比對(duì)社會(huì)較不重要的公司（煙草、化妝品、飲料）的主管的薪資更高。

40、 44 Empirical Research on the Davis and Moore Theory General population tends to believe that inequality and social stratification should operate in a manner generally suggested by the Davis and Moore theory. Americans are much more likely to think that there is equality of opportunity in America, t

41、hus indicating they tend to think the stratification system in America operates in a manner suggested by the functional theory of stratification. 45 一個(gè)人會(huì)窮是因?yàn)椋∟=1800, 2002) 46 Parsons Functional Theory of Social Stratification Parsons work has been highly influential in carrying on the tradition of D

42、urkheim and the Warner school of social stratification in American sociology 47 Parsons Functional Theory of Social Stratification Parsons: status or honor is the most important dimension of social stratification. People are evaluated and ranked by others in terms of how well they live up to the dom

43、inant values in the society, whatever these values may be. This means that there will always be a hierarchy of status honor in every society. 48 wealth and power differences In spite of much opinion to the contrary, it (wealth and power) is not a primary criterion, seen in terms of the common value

44、system. . . . its primary significance is a symbol of achievement. 49 主流價(jià)值體系 In order to specify the placement of people in the stratification system, Parsons had to rank which roles or tasks are the most respected (to the least respected) in the society, which involved getting more specific about t

45、he dominant value system. 50 AGIL all societies must solve problems of (1) adaptation of the environment, (2) goal attainment, (3) integration, and (4) latent pattern maintenance (or, for short, AGIL). The primary concrete institutions that usually perform these functional prerequisites for a societ

46、y are, in order, (1) the economy, (2) the state, (3) the legal system or sometimes religion, and (4) the family, schools, and cultural institutions. 51 AGIL (1) The differing tasks of these various institutions lead them to stress differing values (or pattern variables). (2) Societies differ with re

47、spect to which of the four sets of institutions (adaptive, goal attainment, integration, or latent pattern maintenance) is primary. 52 Parsons 1. A persons place in the status hierarchy (stratification system) is determined by the moral evaluation of others. 2. This moral evaluation is made in terms

48、 of a common value system. 3. The common value system is shaped by the institution that is given primary stress in the society (the institutional stress coming from the particular historical and environmental circumstances of the society). 4. Thus, people who best live up to these values or ideas wi

49、ll receive, in addition to high status, other rewards, such as a high income and wealth. 53 例子：美國(guó) United States. This means that the value system in this country is weighted toward performance in the occupational structure (Parsons 1951:399), and that people who meet the performance and achievement

50、ideals in the economic occupational structure will be rewarded with greater status, advancement in the occupational structure, and the secondary rewards of wealth and high income. 54 例子：共產(chǎn)主義下的中國(guó) China stresses goal attainment, or political institutions, over economic institutions The values in China

51、, following the stress on goal attainment or the polity, are weighted toward leadership ability and commitment to political ideals. The people who most typify these values would receive high status, advancement in the political bureaucracy, and secondary rewards such as wealth and high income. 55 依據(jù)

52、什麼來判斷一個(gè)人在社會(huì)上的地位 56 Parsons對(duì)於DM理論的補(bǔ)充 What Parsons has done, however, is specify more clearly what the most important positions will be, given a particular institutional stress in the society. 57 Critiques of Parsons Why people are on top of the stratification system? One of the most prominent critici

53、sms of Parsons work involves his assumption of a society with needs of its own. From this perspective, people in top institutional positions are doing what they do for the interests and needs of the total society; the interests of individuals and groups within the society are secondary. 58 Critiques

54、 of Parsons Parsons believed that people primarily seek status, therefore striving to live up to dominant values. By striving to live up to the dominant values ( shaped by the needs of society) people are serving the needs of society. Parsons did not see people as striving primarily for power and ma

55、terial wealth for personal interests. 就算個(gè)人不是為了追求自私利益，而是為了共同價(jià)值而努力，Parsons也忽略了共同價(jià)值系統(tǒng)的塑造可能反映少數(shù)有權(quán)勢(shì)、有財(cái)富人的影響。 59 Critiques of Parsons Conflict theorists like Turnin (1953:393) point out that social stratification systems function to provide the elite with the political power necessary to procure acceptanc

56、e and dominance of an ideology which rationalizes the status quo, whatever this may be, as logical, natural, and morally right. An elite may legitimize its own high status through its influence over peoples perspectives of what is to be valued. To the extent that this is the case, people may be give

57、n status and other rewards not because they meet the needs of the overall society but because they serve the interests of elites in the society. 60 Status, power, class Parsons只強(qiáng)調(diào)status, 而韋伯認(rèn)為三者同樣重要。這三者的關(guān)係究竟為何？ Lenski在前面的章節(jié)中指出，原始部落的地位來自於某人所擁有的技能（打獵）對(duì)整個(gè)部落的貢獻(xiàn)，十分吻合功能論的看法。隨著技術(shù)的進(jìn)步，地位的基礎(chǔ)發(fā)生改變，一旦人取得了支配他人的工具

58、與資源後，地位變成權(quán)利與經(jīng)濟(jì)支配力量的次要結(jié)果。 61 Status, power, classParsons認(rèn)為權(quán)利與收入伴隨地位而來。 62 Status, power, class衝突論者認(rèn)為權(quán)利與經(jīng)濟(jì)相互影響，且影響個(gè)人的地位高低。相反地，地位不再成為取得權(quán)利與財(cái)富的重要管道。 63 地位在特殊情形下仍為重要的不平等基礎(chǔ) Della Fave and Hillery (1980)對(duì)於修道院中修士地位的研究。修道院中的價(jià)值規(guī)範(fàn)嚴(yán)格禁止物質(zhì)上的不平等，修道院雖然有所謂的名義上的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者，但其權(quán)力不大，院中各項(xiàng)決策皆由民主方式來共同決定。在這樣沒有經(jīng)濟(jì)及權(quán)利不平等的環(huán)境，仍可以看出修道士彼此之

59、間地位的差異。地位的基礎(chǔ)為何？ 64 地位在特殊情形下仍為重要的不平等基礎(chǔ)地位高低與每一位修道士修行道行高低有關(guān)。兩位學(xué)者的研究顯示Parsons的理論有很大的侷限：Status inequalities are primary dimensions of stratification only when there is a small community that is highly integrated around a strong set of moral principles. 65 Studies of Occupational Prestige在工業(yè)社會(huì)中，職業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)是最為明顯的

60、階層化形式。由於它的顯著性，使得社會(huì)大眾對(duì)於職業(yè)的地位高低評(píng)價(jià)（職業(yè)聲望地位）有很高的一致性。很多學(xué)者在不同時(shí)間及不同社會(huì)進(jìn)行職業(yè)聲望調(diào)查，發(fā)現(xiàn)彼此的相關(guān)性甚高。 66 Studies of Occupational Prestige中國(guó)的職業(yè)聲望調(diào)查是由中研院院士林南及中國(guó)大陸的學(xué)者謝文發(fā)表在AJS期刊。臺(tái)灣的職業(yè)聲望:文崇一，張曉春1979蔡淑鈴，廖正宏，黃大洲1985蔡淑鈴與瞿海源兩位學(xué)者發(fā)表在1991 “Constructing Occupational Scales for Taiwan” Research in Social Stratification and Social Mo

61、bility 67 Studies of Occupational PrestigeTreiman (1977) 對(duì)於六十個(gè)國(guó)家的職業(yè)聲望進(jìn)行比較，發(fā)現(xiàn)各國(guó)的職業(yè)聲望十分一致。由於職業(yè)聲望各國(guó)差異不大，因此Ganzeboom (2) the ability of elites to influence what we think about different occupations through their influence over the dominant values in the society 72 Critique of Occupation as a Status Hier

62、archy The status dimension can be very important in small communities. But with the occupational structure, occupational skill level, income, and power in the marketplace (as Weber described) are most important in affecting life chances. 73 CONFLICT THEORIES OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION 74 CONFLICT THEO

63、RIES OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION Critical-conflict: 相信不平等是可以減少的，If inequality is to be reduced, it must be based on changing property or class relations, rather than on a more general conflict of interests always found among human beings. Uncritical-conflict: 認(rèn)為某種形式的利益衝突永遠(yuǎn)存在，these differing group inter

64、ests will be reflected in organized power structures (or bureaucratic or political organizations) that are generalized means of furthering group interests of any type. 75 CONFLICT THEORIES OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION Uncritical-order or functional theorists maintain that inequality will always be prese

65、nt, but they tend to stress the needs of complex human organizations as the reason for this inequality. Thus, it is the status structure that helps provide social order and results in unequal status ranking in relation to the functional division of labor (or occupational structure necessary in compl

66、ex societies) that explains social stratification and inequality. 76 Modern Marxian Theory馬克思主義在當(dāng)代面臨的問題： (1) 社會(huì)主義革命並沒有如期的在所有工業(yè)資本社會(huì)中發(fā)生。從馬克斯以後，工人的階級(jí)意識(shí)逐漸削弱，對(duì)於資本主義也越來越?jīng)]有敵意及批判意識(shí)。資本主義並沒有產(chǎn)生馬克斯所預(yù)言的危機(jī)。 馬克斯預(yù)言壟斷式的資本主義及強(qiáng)而有力的上層階級(jí)會(huì)控制經(jīng)濟(jì)及國(guó)家。但具傳統(tǒng)意義的、控制社會(huì)中主要生產(chǎn)工具的有錢家族並沒有取的絕對(duì)的優(yōu)勢(shì)地位。 77 Modern Marxian Theory (2) 馬克斯沒有預(yù)見在現(xiàn)代社會(huì)中，傳統(tǒng)的工人階級(jí)職業(yè)愈來愈少，取而代之的是愈來愈多的中上階層。 (3) 共產(chǎn)主義國(guó)家的問題：中國(guó)與蘇聯(lián)都不是從資本主義的崩潰產(chǎn)生共產(chǎn)主義，實(shí)際的情形與馬克斯的理想差距甚遠(yuǎn)。 78 How are these incorrect predictionsdealt with?有些馬克斯學(xué)者辯稱馬克斯不是要建立通則，而是描述歷史的趨勢(shì)，不能被視為社會(huì)的決定論模型，而是思考的指引方針。馬氏的政治